Anaphoric Object Drop in Chinese

This squib proposes a novel means of solving the problem of non-specific null object with an indefinite antecedent in Chinese whereas Huang (1982; 1984; 1989) argued that a dropped object is bound by a topic which must be definite. This squib proposes a formal representation that develops Holmberg’s (2005) and Roberts & Holmberg’s (2010) analysis of radical pro-drop as [uD] (unvalued determiner feature). Null object arguments in Chinese are argued to have the same featural composition: [uD]. They can be valued from an antecedent, but it is with a referential index or a referential variable. It is hoped that this squib can make a valuable contribution to our understanding of anaphoric specific and non-specific object drop in Chinese, particularly in the simplicity of its theoretical machinery.