“所有”的加合功能與全稱量化

本文對普通話＂所有＂的語義進行探討。在對＂所有＂的句法分佈情況進行了考察,對＂所有NP＂與＂每NP＂＂全NP＂以及普通複數NP在句法和語義上的異同分別做了比較後,發現：雖然限定詞＂全＂和＂所有＂都是加合算子並且都是強調整體的,但是＂全＂強調整體中沒有例外,而＂所有＂只強調整體不看例外。量化算子＂每＂具有強調個體的特徵,它強調個體不存在例外。其主要表現為它們對謂語的語義類型的選擇不同,所獲得的語義解釋也有所不同。＂所有NP＂能與集合性謂語共現並且獲得統指解,而它與具有分配性或潛在歧義的謂語的共現一般需要其他算子或者副詞的支持。
This article investigates the semantics of suǒyǒu（所有） and argues that it is a sum operator,but not a quantifier. The syntactic distribution of suǒyǒu is examined first. A comparison is then made among the suǒyǒu-NP,the měi（每） -NP,the quán（全） -NP,and the plural NP to explore their syntactic and semantic similarities and differences. We find that suǒyǒu and měi have different meanings,while suǒyǒu and quán share certain properties. The quantifier měi has the individual-prominent property,emphasizing the meaning of ＂there is no exception among the individuals in question＂. The determiner quan and sugyou are both sum operators and set-prominent, with quan emphasizing that there is no exception for the whole set, whereas suoyou just the set concerned. The selections of the suoyou-NP, the mgi -NP and the quan-NP on the semantic type of the co-occurring predicate are different, leading to different interpretations. A suoyou-NP can occur with a collective predicate, getting a collective reading, whereas its co-occurrence with a distributive predicate or a predicate with potentially ambiguous interpretations usually needs the or a collective presence of other quantifiers/distributors or adverbs, giving it a distributive reading reading, accordingly.